This essay, “The Significance of Sabotage,” is reprinted from Industrial Worker, Volume 5, Issue 12, June 12, 1913. The Industrial Worker was the official newspaper of the Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.). The author, Gerald O. Desmond, is believed to be one of the many pseudonyms used by Arthur Desmond, who is best known under his pen name Ragnar Redbeard.
The I.W.W., popularly known as the Wobblies, stood alone among radical organizations of the era in openly rallying under the slogan “Might is Right.” This stark rejection of moralistic or legalistic appeals in favor of raw power permeated their literature, songs, speeches, and organizing efforts—and left a lasting imprint on those they influenced. Prominent Wobbly voices of the period expressed the idea directly:
- “Might Makes Right” —Walker C. Smith, Industrial Worker, Sat, Jun 04, 1910
- “It isn’t right that wins victories. It’s might that is required. Might only makes right possible.” —Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, The Spokesman-Review, Mon, Dec 20, 1909 · Page 8
- “We won in Missoula, we can win in Spokane. Might makes right.” —Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Industrial Worker, Volume 1 Issue 34, Nov. 10, 1909
- “Whatever is against the strongest class in society is wrong. In other words, ‘might makes right.’” —Oscar Ameringer, “Oscar Wants the Whole Cheese”, The Miners Magazine, Vol. 13 No. 502, Feb 6, 1913
This philosophy of class power over abstract “right” aligned closely with the revolutionary sabotage propaganda Desmond advanced in the essay.
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SABOTAGE (By Gerald O. Desmond.)
How many, even among revolutionists, recognize the deep significance, the real meaning of the propaganda and practice of sabotage? How many realize its educative power?
Sabotage is the forerunner of the revolution. It is the smashup of slave religion, morality and ethics. It shows a clear conception of a class struggle. It is a repudiation of the ‘community of interests’ dogma. It demonstrates that the workers have lost their fear of hell and their faith in heaven—that the proletariat is getting its fighting clothes on.
In any class society all things partake of a class nature. When one class rules industrially it impresses certain religions, codes of ethics and morality on the whole. Today the capitalist class rules. The religions, morality and ethic of today are such as the capitalist class decree to be taught and practiced by the workers—such as will perpetuate capitalist rule and exploitation. They are religious teachings of obedience, humility, submission—of workers to masters. Religions belittling our misery here. Religions promising a wonderful reward hereafter. Religions commanding a respect for property—their property by us. Religions defending property work—by us for their benefit. To be “moral”, to be “ethically” correct today is to deny ourselves, to toil hard, little, to bow down to our superiors, etc.
So long as the working class practice or are bound in any way by these things, the masters are safe. A working class hampered by such ideas and superstitions cannot fight intelligently. It cannot emancipate itself from slavery. But suppose the slaves wake up from slavery? What if they begin to think and go after the good things of life now—and to hell with the idea of “pie in the sky” by and by? What if they “can” the idea that the boss is their “natural superior” and benefactor; and realize instead that he is an enemy, an exploiter, and a parasite? Suppose they create and practice a code of ethics wherein the thing which is for their benefit is “good” and “right” and that which benefits the boss is “bad” and “wrong”? How long could a ruling class stand before this? How long?
So we come back to sabotage, its significance and its educative value. Every time an act of sabotage is practiced it is a negation of slave morality, ethic and religion. It is the act of an individual, of a class, already, or becoming, mentally emancipated—they realize the power. The plutes are frightened. The Utopians, the “parlor socialists,” the pink tea “rebels”—prating of revolution with their minds still befogged, decry sabotage and pass condemnatory resolutions.
But despite plute rage and “red-yellow” howls it will not go down. Its propaganda becomes more general, its practice more common and more consciously effective. Sabotage is here to stay—the greatest educative force, the most powerful weapon yet shaped by evolution for a rebellious, mentally-emancipated proletariat.
